That oxygen mask they strap on patients rushed to the ER after a heart attack or a stroke? It could be doing more harm than good in many cases, Dutch researchers say in a new report.
In a review of earlier research, they found no support for routinely giving critically ill patients high-dose oxygen, a common practice among paramedics and emergency physicians.
"There is not a single study that points to beneficial effects," said Dr. Yvo Smulders, a professor at VU University Medical Center in Amsterdam. "All of the evidence that we found points to detrimental effects."
Most doctors believe extra oxygen is life-saving and many guidelines recommend it, he and his colleagues write in the Archives of Internal Medicine.
"What you would expect is that oxygen is healthy," Smulders told Reuters Health. "But it seems that God didn't introduce 20 percent oxygen in room air for nothing."
Studies on animals dating to the 1960s and 70s have found that higher-than-normal oxygen levels could be dangerous.
Smulders' team gathered all the human research they could find on supplemental oxygen after heart attacks, strokes, cardiac arrest and acute attacks of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, or COPD.
The 18 studies they came up with all had the same grim message: supplemental oxygen doesn't work, and there is some weak evidence that it might be harmful.
For instance, one trial from 1976 found nine out of 80 heart attack patients who got oxygen died, compared to just 3 out of 77 who got compressed air. Although that difference could have been a statistical fluke, it was still bad news for oxygen.
Another trial, this one in stroke patients, had to be stopped early because too many patients who got extra oxygen died.
And for cardiac arrest, in which the heart stops beating, a study out last year found that people who had a lot of oxygen in their blood after they were revived died more often than people with normal levels.
"It has potentially far-reaching implications, because supplemental oxygen is just ubiquitous in the care of critically ill patients," Dr. Stephen Trzeciak, who led that work, told Reuters Health.
Too much oxygen in the blood can lead to the formation of molecules known as free radicals, he said, which can damage organs such as the heart and the brain.
But this is still theory, Trzeciak warned, and so far there is no iron-clad proof that supplemental oxygen is harmful. What is clear is that too little oxygen can be lethal.
"My concern is, if we just indiscriminately stop giving supplemental oxygen to post-arrest patients, they might end up having low oxygen, which is just as harmful or more harmful" than high oxygen, said Trzeciak, who studies resuscitation at Cooper University Hospital in Camden, New Jersey.
The American Heart Association currently recommends giving supplemental oxygen to people with cardiac arrest until the heart is restarted.
At that point, the group urges doctors and paramedics to use measurements to ensure that oxygen levels in the blood don't get too high. The same goes for heart attacks.
But what often happens is that providers just leave the oxygen on full blast, according to Dr. Michael Sayre of the American Heart Association.
"They don't realize they are giving too much oxygen," Sayre told Reuters Health. "It's just not something they are paying attention to."
The Dutch researchers call for more studies. But until then, Smulders said, health providers should only give oxygen when blood levels are very low and they should make sure they never become too high.
"I think it is about time that you step away from your intuitive approach and look at the evidence," he said.
Since mephedrone was made illegal in the UK in 2010, the street price of the drug has risen while the quality has degraded, which in turn may have reduced use of the drug. New research published online reveals that young people who continued to use mephedrone after it became illegal would switch to a new legal high if it were pure and rated highly by their friends or on the Internet. They would be less deterred by a lack of scientific research on the new drug.
Mephedrone is a synthetic stimulant - a 'designer drug' - that became widely used in the UK from 2008 to 2010. Its rise in popularity may have been caused by its legality and ready availability (typically sold online as 'plant food'), and also to the reduced purity of street cocaine and ecstasy during the same period. In 2010, because of its similarity to amphetamines and frenzied media reporting of the harmful effects of the drug, mephedrone was made illegal in the UK and scheduled as a Class B drug. The drug is still available through street dealers and online.
Research published online in the journal Addiction shows that after taking mephedrone, users showed impaired working memory as well as the typical stimulant drug effects of euphoria, self confidence and buzzing.
While intoxicated, they also experienced marked craving for mephedrone and typically binged on the drug, taking it repeatedly for an average of eight hours. When drug-free, this group showed higher levels of depression and poorer long term memory compared to controls using drugs other than mephedrone.
When asked what factors might influence them to try a new legal high, the same users said they would be drawn to a new drug that was pure and had few short-term or long-term harms. While they would be attracted by positive reports from friends and on the Internet, lack of scientific research on the drug and its legal status were less important factors.
Mephedrone has been the most publicized 'legal high' in recent years, but there are many new compounds currently emerging on Internet markets. In 2010, 41 new substances were detected in the EU, compared with 24 in 2009 and 13 in 2008. Of those 41 new substances, 15 are synthetic stimulants, just like mephedrone. One of these may become the new 'legal high' that current mephedrone users want.
Says lead researcher Tom Freeman of University College London, "Drug users today are attracted to new substances that are pure and have few adverse effects. Lack of scientific research on the effects and risks of new legal highs might explain why young people rely on subjective reports from friends or the Internet when deciding whether to try a new substance. Internet reports may be biased and offer an opportunity for drug vendors to promote their products. As well as encouraging new research, an important harm reduction strategy is for the media and advice websites such as FRANK to provide balanced and up-to-date information on these drugs."

1 Department of Psychiatry, University of Oxford, Warneford Hospital, Oxford, United Kingdom, 2 Centre for Violence Prevention, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden, 3 Department of Medical Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden, 4 Swedish Prison and Probation Service, Norrköping, Sweden
Epilepsy and traumatic brain injury are common neurological conditions, with general population prevalence estimates around 0.5% and 0.3%, respectively. Although both illnesses are associated with various adverse outcomes, and expert opinion has suggested increased criminality, links with violent behaviour remain uncertain.
We combined Swedish population registers from 1973 to 2009, and examined associations of epilepsy (n = 22,947) and traumatic brain injury (n = 22,914) with subsequent violent crime (defined as convictions for homicide, assault, robbery, arson, any sexual offense, or illegal threats or intimidation). Each case was age and gender matched with ten general population controls, and analysed using conditional logistic regression with adjustment for socio-demographic factors. In addition, we compared cases with unaffected siblings.
Among the traumatic brain injury cases, 2,011 individuals (8.8%) committed violent crime after diagnosis, which, compared with population controls (n = 229,118), corresponded to a substantially increased risk (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 3.3, 95% CI: 3.1–3.5); this risk was attenuated when cases were compared with unaffected siblings (aOR = 2.0, 1.8–2.3). Among individuals with epilepsy, 973 (4.2%) committed a violent offense after diagnosis, corresponding to a significantly increased odds of violent crime compared with 224,006 population controls (aOR = 1.5, 1.4–1.7). However, this association disappeared when individuals with epilepsy were compared with their unaffected siblings (aOR = 1.1, 0.9–1.2). We found heterogeneity in violence risk by age of disease onset, severity, comorbidity with substance abuse, and clinical subgroups. Case ascertainment was restricted to patient registers.
In this longitudinal population-based study, we found that, after adjustment for familial confounding, epilepsy was not associated with increased risk of violent crime, questioning expert opinion that has suggested a causal relationship. In contrast, although there was some attenuation in risk estimates after adjustment for familial factors and substance abuse in individuals with traumatic brain injury, we found a significantly increased risk of violent crime. The implications of these findings will vary for clinical services, the criminal justice system, and patient charities.
Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary
Citation: Fazel S, Lichtenstein P, Grann M, Långström N (2011) Risk of Violent Crime in Individuals with Epilepsy and Traumatic Brain Injury: A 35-Year Swedish Population Study. PLoS Med 8(12): e1001150. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001150
Academic Editor: Phillipa J. Hay, University of Western Sydney, Australia
Received: January 18, 2011; Accepted: November 14, 2011; Published: December 27, 2011
Copyright: © 2011 Fazel et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Funding: Funded by the Swedish Research Council – Medicine, Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research, and the National Prison and Probation Administration R&D. No funding bodies had any role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Abbreviations: aOR, adjusted odds ratio; ICD, International Classification of Diseases
* E-mail: seena.fazel@psych.ox.ac.uk
News stories linking mental illness (diseases that appear primarily as abnormalities of thought, feeling or behavior) with violence frequently hit the headlines. But what about neurological conditions—disorders of the brain, spinal cord, and nerves? People with these disorders, which include dementia, Parkinson's disease, and brain tumors, often experience stigmatization and discrimination, a situation that is made worse by the media and by some experts suggesting that some neurological conditions increase the risk of violence. For example, many modern textbooks assert that epilepsy—a neurological condition that causes repeated seizures or fits—is associated with increased criminality and violence. Similarly, various case studies have linked traumatic brain injury—damage to the brain caused by a sudden blow to the head—with an increased risk of violence.
Despite public and expert perceptions, very little is actually known about the relationship between epilepsy and traumatic brain injury and violence. In particular, few if any population-based, longitudinal studies have investigated whether there is an association between the onset of either of these two neurological conditions and violence at a later date. This information might make it easier to address the stigma that is associated with these conditions. Moreover, it might help scientists understand the neurobiological basis of violence, and it could help health professionals appropriately manage individuals with these two disorders. In this longitudinal study, the researchers begin to remedy the lack of hard information about links between neurological conditions and violence by investigating the risk of violent crime associated with epilepsy and with traumatic brain injury in the Swedish population.
The researchers used the National Patient Register to identify all the cases of epilepsy and traumatic brain injury that occurred in Sweden between 1973 and 2009. They matched each case (nearly 23,000 for each condition) with ten members of the general population and retrieved data on all convictions for violent crime over the same period from the Crime Register. They then linked these data together using the personal identification numbers that identify Swedish residents in national registries. 4.2% of individuals with epilepsy had at least one conviction for violence after their diagnosis, but only 2.5% of the general population controls did. That is, epilepsy increased the absolute risk of a conviction for violence by 1.7%. Using a regression analysis that adjusted for age, gender, and various socio-demographic factors, the researchers calculated that the odds of individuals with epilepsy committing a violent crime were 1.5 times higher than for general population controls (an adjusted odds ratio [aOR] of 1.5). The strength of this association was reduced when further adjustment was made for substance abuse, and disappeared when individuals with epilepsy were compared with their unaffected siblings (a sibling control study). Similarly, 8.8% of individuals with traumatic brain injury were convicted of a violent crime after their diagnosis compared to only 3% of controls, giving an aOR of 3.3. Again, the strength of this association was reduced when affected individuals were compared to their unaffected siblings (aOR = 2.0) and when adjustment was made for substance abuse (aOR = 2.3).
Although some aspects of this study may have affected the accuracy of its findings, these results nevertheless challenge the idea that there are strong direct links between epilepsy and violent crime. The low absolute rate of violent crime and the lack of any association between epilepsy and violent crime in the sibling control study argue against a strong link, a potentially important finding given the stigmatization of epilepsy. For traumatic brain injury, the reduced association with violent crime in the sibling control study compared with the general population control study suggests that shared familial features may be responsible for some of the association between brain injury and violence. As with epilepsy, this finding should help patient charities who are trying to reduce the stigma associated with traumatic brain injury. Importantly, however, these findings also suggest that some groups of patients with these conditions (for example, patients with head injuries who abuse illegal drugs and alcohol) would benefit from being assessed for their risk of behaving violently and from appropriate management.
Please access these websites via the online version of this summary at http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1001150.
Despite evidence demonstrating an association between certain severe mental illnesses and violence [1],[2], much less is known about the relationship of neurological disorders with violent and other antisocial behaviour [3],[4]. Despite this, expert opinion has suggested that some neurological conditions increase the risk of violence. Reviews and modern textbooks assert that epilepsy is associated with violence risk [3],[5]–[8], a view widely held in the 19th century [9]. However, a recent systematic review suggested caution in drawing any conclusions about the relationship between epilepsy and violence [10], as the small evidence base is based on prisoner samples [11],[12] or individuals with childhood epilepsy [13]. For traumatic brain injury, the theoretical basis for an association with violence is much stronger. Influential case reports, such as that for Phineas Gage [14], case–control studies of war veterans who experienced frontal lobe damage [15], and case series of murderers [16] and brain injured prisoners [17] have provided some support. On the other hand, there is little evidence of causal mechanisms, and there are, for example, socio-economic differences between head injured persons and others [18]. Yet, as with epilepsy, a recent review found no published population-based or longitudinal surveys [10], and the potential role of injuries incurred in childhood is unknown [19].
There are a number of reasons why examining the association of neurological disorders with violence is potentially considerable. First, considerable stigma is associated with epilepsy [20] and traumatic brain injury [21], and accurate information on risk for adverse outcomes could be relevant in addressing this. Second, it may provide information on mechanisms underlying violence, assisting the understanding of the neurobiological basis of violent behaviour. Third, information on the prevalence and relative risks of violence and criminality could inform neurology, emergency medicine, rehabilitation medicine, and general and forensic psychiatric services in determining when violence risk assessment and management might be most valuable, based on the specific neurological disorder a patient has. Finally, the public health impact of associations between these two common neurological conditions and violence is potentially important. The prevalence of hospitalised traumatic brain injury is around 8 million in Europe [22] (0.2%–0.3% of the general population), and 0.5% of the population is estimated to suffer from epilepsy [23]. Furthermore, brain injury is one of the most common chronic conditions among prisoners [24], and the most frequent reason for presentation of individuals to emergency departments [25]. Thus, understanding associations and mechanisms could assist in improved risk assessment and management of the large numbers of individuals presenting to health services with these two disorders. In the present study, we used longitudinal total population designs to examine the relationship of epilepsy and traumatic brain injury with violent crime in Sweden from 1973 until 2009.
The Regional Ethics Committee at the Karolinska Institutet approved the study (2009/939-31/5). Data were merged and anonymized by an independent government agency (Statistics Sweden), and the code linking the personal identification numbers to the new case numbers was destroyed immediately after merging. Therefore, informed consent was not required.
We linked several longitudinal, nationwide population-based registries in Sweden: the National Patient Register (held at the National Board of Health and Welfare), the Crime Register (National Council for Crime Prevention), the National Censuses from 1970 and 1990 (Statistics Sweden), and the Multi-Generation Register (Statistics Sweden). The Multi-Generation Register connects each person born in Sweden in 1933 or later and ever registered as living in Sweden after 1960 to their parents [26]. For immigrants, similar information exists for those who became citizens of Sweden before age 18 y, together with one or both parents. In Sweden, all residents including immigrants have a unique ten-digit personal identification number that is used in all national registers, thus making the linking of data in these registers possible. We restricted the population to individuals born between 1958 and 1994, so that all individuals who were at least 15 y (the age of criminal responsibility in Sweden) were included from 1973 onwards, to the end of follow-up in 2009 (n = 5,665,112).
We identified cases with epilepsy or traumatic brain injury from the National Patient Register, which includes individuals admitted to any hospital (since 1973) or having outpatient appointments (since 2001) in Sweden [27]. Cases with epilepsy had to have at least two separate patient episodes according to International Classification of Diseases (ICD) ICD-8 (1973–1986; diagnostic codes 345.00–345.99), ICD-9 (1987–1996; codes 345J, K, L, M, N, P, Q, W, X), or ICD-10 (from 1997 onwards; codes G40.1–G40.9, G41). We decided that epilepsy had to be diagnosed at two separate occasions to increase diagnostic precision by minimising false positive diagnoses; hence, those with only one diagnosis were excluded (n = 22,084). For traumatic brain injury (not including concussion), we selected cases based on one or more patient episodes according to ICD-8 (1973–1986; diagnostic codes 851–852), ICD-9 (1987–1996; codes 851–854), or ICD-10 (from 1997 onwards; codes S06.01–S06.09). We also investigated comorbidity with drug and alcohol use disorders. Data were also extracted for every individual on all inpatient (1973–2009) and outpatient (2001–2009) diagnoses with principal or comorbid diagnoses of alcohol abuse or dependence (ICD-8: 303; ICD-9: 303, 305.1; ICD-10: F10, except x.5) or drug abuse or dependence (ICD-8: 304; ICD-9: 304, 305.9; ICD-10: F11–F19, except x.5). This information was used as a marker for comorbid alcohol and/or drug abuse disorders.
Swedish patient register data on diagnoses have good to excellent validity for a range of conditions, such as acute myocardial infarction [28], injuries [29], acute stroke [30], Guillain-Barré syndrome [31], and schizophrenia [32],[33]. Overall, the positive predictive value of the inpatient register, in a recent review, was found to be 85%–95% for most diagnoses [34]. Little information exists on diagnostic validity of comorbid conditions in neurological disorders. However, fair to moderate agreement for comorbid substance abuse has been found in schizophrenia (κ of 0.37, standard error = 0.23, p<0.001, corresponding to 68% full agreement) [35]. Only around 1% of hospital admissions have missing personal identification numbers [36]. Consequently, the register has been used in a variety of epidemiological investigations [35],[37].
For each disorder, ten general population individuals without the specific patient register diagnosis of the cases were matched individually to cases by birth year and gender.
We also conducted the following subanalyses. In the epilepsy group, we separately analysed cases first diagnosed as adults (i.e., aged 16 y and over) with those diagnosed earlier to examine whether there is a difference in risk between childhood-onset and adult-onset epilepsy. This was done because a previous study suggested an inverse relationship between childhood-onset epilepsy and juvenile delinquency [13]. We investigated categories of epilepsy and classified them into four types according to the diagnosis at second admission, as in previous work [38]: complex partial seizures (ICD-8: 345.31; ICD-9: 345M; ICD-10: G40.2), other partial seizures (ICD-8: 345.30, 345.38, 345.39; ICD-10: G40.0, G40.1), generalised epilepsy (ICD-8: 345.09, 345.10, 345.11; ICD-9: 345J, 345K; ICD-10: G40.3), and other or unspecified epilepsy (ICD-8: 345.18, 345.19, 345.29, 345.99; ICD-9: 345L, 345P, 345Q, 345W, 345X; ICD-10: G40.4, G40.5, G40.6, G40.7, G40.8, G40.9, G41). As an index of severity, we compared those whose first treatment episode lasted for 15 d or more (90th percentile) with the others.
In the traumatic brain injury group, we conducted stratified analyses by age of onset, diagnostic subgroup, and severity. Specifically, we compared individuals with adult-onset traumatic brain injury (i.e., aged 16 and over at the onset of disease) with those with childhood-onset traumatic brain injury. We restricted subgroup analyses to ICD-10 diagnoses of traumatic brain injury (comparable subgroups are not found in ICD-8/9). For this, we subdivided those with traumatic brain injury into: (a) traumatic cerebral oedema (S06.1) and diffuse brain injury (S06.2), (b) focal brain injury (S06.3), and (c) epidural, traumatic subdural, or subarachnoid haemorrhage (S06.4–6). In addition, we compared rates of violent offending in individuals with diagnoses of concussion (ICD-8/9: 850; ICD-10: S06.0)—a less severe form of brain injury—with traumatic brain injury.
For both diagnoses, we conducted additional analyses using unaffected full siblings of cases as controls. Using the Multi-Generation Register, we identified as cases individuals with epilepsy (n = 10,360) who also had full siblings without epilepsy, and those persons with traumatic brain injury (n = 11,499) who also had full siblings without traumatic brain injury. These individuals were compared with their unaffected full siblings (n = 17,448 full sibling controls compared to n = 10,360 individuals with epilepsy; n = 19,628 full sibling controls compared to n = 11,499 cases with traumatic brain injury). We conducted this additional analysis because the possibility of residual confounding was considered high, particularly in traumatic head injury [39], with impulsivity being a possible mechanism [40]. For these analyses, we adjusted by gender and age.
Data on all convictions for violent crime from 1 January 1973 to 31 December 2009 were retrieved for all individuals aged 15 y and older (15 y is the age of criminal responsibility in Sweden; antisocial behaviour under this age is not prosecuted or systematically registered). Consistent with other work in schizophrenia and severe mental illness, violent crime was defined as homicide, assault, robbery, arson, any sexual offense (rape, sexual coercion, child molestation, indecent exposure, and sexual harassment), or illegal threats or intimidation [36]. Attempted and aggravated forms of included offenses, where applicable according to the Swedish Criminal Code, were also included. Burglary, other property offenses, and traffic and drug offences were excluded. In individuals born from 1954 to 1994, this amounted to 217,134 (unique) persons with at least one violent conviction.
Conviction data were used because the Criminal Code in Sweden determines that individuals are convicted as guilty regardless of medical conditions (such as epileptic automatisms) or mental disorder (which may be comorbid with neurological conditions). Therefore, it includes also those who are found not guilty by reason of insanity (who would be acquitted in other jurisdictions), those receiving custodial or non-custodial sentences, and individuals transferred to psychiatric hospitals on sentencing. Furthermore, conviction data included those cases where the prosecutor decided to caution or fine. In addition, as plea-bargaining is not permitted in Sweden, conviction data accurately reflect the extent of officially resolved criminality. The Crime Register has excellent coverage; only 0.05% of crimes had incomplete personal identification numbers during 1988–2000 [36].
Household income (divided into thirds) of the family of origin for those 15 y or younger at the time of the 1990 census was used as a proxy for income. Single marital status was defined as being unmarried. Immigrant status was defined as being born outside of Sweden. Missing data were not replaced by imputation or other methods.
Only violent convictions recorded after first diagnosis for traumatic brain injury and epilepsy were included. We estimated the association between having been diagnosed with either of these neurological disorders and violent offending with conditional logistic regression, as per related work using matched or sibling controls [35], using the clogit command in Stata, version 10 (StataCorp). The clogit command fits conditional (fixed effects) logistic regression models to matched case–control groups. Ten controls from the general population were selected for each case and matched by birth year and gender. In the sibling control study, all unaffected siblings were compared with their sibling with traumatic brain injury or epilepsy, and analyses were adjusted for age and gender. Among the general population and sibling controls, violent crime was counted only if it occurred after the date of diagnosis in the matched cases. We included three confounders (low income, single, and immigrant status) on theoretical grounds, based on related work in severe mental illness [35],[41], and also tested whether they were each independently associated with caseness and violent crime, respectively, in univariate analyses at the 5% level of significance [42]. In a further analysis, we additionally adjusted for comorbid substance abuse.
Power calculations (with an alpha of 0.05, and a power of 0.90) suggested that 2,385 cases and 23,850 controls were needed to determine a 1.5-fold difference in violence risk.
STROBE guidelines were followed (see Text S1 for details).
We identified 22,947 individuals with epilepsy and compared them with 224,006 age- and gender-matched general population controls (see Table 1 for baseline data). Of the cases, 973 had at least one violent conviction (4.2%) subsequent to diagnosis, compared with 5,504 controls (2.5%). We found a risk increase for violent crime in individuals with epilepsy after matching and adjustment for age, gender, and socio-demographic confounders (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 1.5, 95% CI: 1.4–1.7; Table 2), an absolute risk increase of 1.7% compared with age- and gender-matched population controls. This effect was attenuated after further adjustment for substance use (aOR = 1.2, 1.1–1.3). The rate for violent crime was significantly lower in those first diagnosed before age 16 y than in those first diagnosed at age 16 y or older. In addition, subtypes of epilepsy involving loss of consciousness (complex partial seizures and generalised epilepsy) were associated with lower rates of violent crime (Table 3).
Table 1. Baseline socio-demographic information for individuals included in the study.
doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001150.t001Table 2. Risk of violent crime in individuals after diagnosis with epilepsy or traumatic brain injury in Sweden (1973–2009) compared with general population controls.
doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001150.t002Table 3. Association between epilepsy and traumatic brain injury and subsequent violent crime in Sweden (1973–2009) stratified by age of first diagnosis, clinical subtype, and severity.
doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001150.t003We compared 22,914 individuals with traumatic brain injury with 229,118 general population controls (Table 1 for baseline data), of whom 2,011 (8.8%) were violent after first diagnosis. Cases had a significantly higher risk of violent crime compared with general population controls after adjustment for age, gender, and socio-demographic confounders (aOR = 3.3, 3.1–3.5; Table 2) and further adjustment for substance abuse (aOR = 2.3, 2.2–2.5). This equated to an absolute risk increase of 5.8% in the traumatic brain injury group compared with controls.
We conducted three stratified analyses: age of injury, severity of injury, and subtypes of brain injury (Table 3). Those first diagnosed under age 16 y (versus 16 and older) and those diagnosed with concussion only (versus traumatic brain injury) had lower rates of violent crime, whereas individuals with focal injuries had higher rates than those with more diffuse or haemorrhage-related injuries.
We found evidence of familial confounding in the association between both epilepsy and traumatic brain injury and subsequent violent crime. In the epilepsy group, 418 (4.0%) of the 10,360 cases had violent offenses. This was not associated with an increased odds of violent crime compared to unaffected siblings (aOR = 1.1, 0.9–1.2), where 727 out of a possible 17,448 (4.2%) individuals had violent convictions.
In the traumatic brain injury group, there were 992 (8.6%) individuals with violent offences among the 11,499 cases. This corresponded to an increased odds of violent conviction compared to unaffected siblings (aOR = 2.0, 1.8–2.3), where 832 out of a possible 19,628 (4.2%) individuals had violent convictions.
This population-based study examined the risk of violent crime in individuals after diagnosis with epilepsy or traumatic brain injury in Sweden over 35 y. We used longitudinal designs, adjusted for socio-demographic confounders, compared cases with both general population and unaffected sibling controls, and employed a reliable outcome (violent convictions) that allows for international comparisons. We also investigated rates of violence across diagnostic subtypes and among those with childhood-onset versus adult-onset diagnoses. With over 22,000 individuals each for the epilepsy and traumatic brain injury groups, the sample was, to our knowledge, more than 50 times larger than those used in previous related studies on epilepsy, and more than seven times larger than previous studies on brain injury [10]. Our main findings were that around 4% of individuals with epilepsy had violent convictions after first diagnosis, while approximately 9% of those with traumatic brain injury had violent convictions subsequent to diagnosis. Although this corresponded to a modest increase in the odds of violent crime in individuals with epilepsy compared to the general population, we found no risk increase in comparison with their unaffected siblings, which provided a powerful approach to adjust for familial confounding. This was in contrast to individuals with traumatic brain injury, for whom there was a 3-fold increase in the odds of violent crime compared with the general population, and there was a doubling of odds of violent crime in individuals with traumatic brain injury compared with their unaffected siblings. As these siblings shared half the genes and most of the early environment, this allowed us to partly account for personality traits that are associated with both violence and head injury or epilepsy.
For epilepsy, the findings of an absolute rate of violent crime of 4% and the lack of any association in the sibling control study should be seen in the context of expert opinion in the field that states that the link is strong [3],[8]; these findings are also potentially important with respect to the fact that epilepsy remains heavily stigmatised [20],[43],[44]. Previous views may have been influenced by high-profile criminal cases of individuals with epilepsy who committed homicide [45],[46], and reports of high prevalences of epilepsy in prisoners [11],[12], the latter that have not been subsequently confirmed [47]. Our finding on relative risks counter a recent systematic review that found a slightly protective risk for epilepsy, but this review was based on three investigations, all of which were in selected samples [10]. The finding that certain subtypes of epilepsy (including simple partial seizures and temporal lobe epilepsy) are associated with higher rates of violent crime may assist in clarifying mechanisms and potential treatments, and suggests that these patients could be assessed for violence risk if these findings on subtypes are validated. Frontal lobe seizures, associated with violence in some cases [48], could be one mechanism to explain the excess in simple partial seizures. Interestingly, these subgroup differences are consistent with the finding for traumatic brain injury, as discussed below, that focal, in contrast to generalised, brain injuries were linked with higher violence risk.
The increased risk of violent crime in individuals with traumatic brain injury compared with general population controls is consistent with clinical studies [39],[49]–[52] and a recent systematic review [10]. However, the latter review identified no population-based or unselected investigations, and synthesised information based on around 2,500 individuals with head injury. This previous review reported a risk increase for brain injury as a pooled odds ratio of 1.7. The current report findings nearly double this risk estimate, even after adjustment for socio-demographic confounders. As there is likely to be residual confounding in such comparisons, we used unaffected siblings as controls, and found a moderated but still significant association with violent crime. Therefore, although there are plausible aetiological hypotheses that propose mechanisms for violence in individuals with traumatic brain injury, including damage to the frontal and prefrontal cortices [14],[53], this study suggests that shared familial factors explain some of this association. Familial confounding may occur through genetic susceptibility, early environmental effects, or both. Such effects may involve personality traits (such as impulsivity, risk taking, and propensity to substance abuse [54]) and handling of interpersonal situations that increase the risk of head injury and are also associated with violence.
Despite evidence of familial confounding, we found support for a direct effect in brain injury leading to violence, in that focal brain injuries were associated with the highest risk, although the diagnostic information available in the hospital registers did not specify the location of the injury. Regarding the finding that younger age was related with less likelihood of subsequent violent crime, one explanation might be that earlier injuries are associated with better outcomes because of neuroplasticity or more effective treatments [55], or that a later onset of injury is more strongly correlated with an antisocial lifestyle, sensation seeking, and risk taking. Further research is necessary to identify the specific mechanisms underlying the age effect and familial confounding, and may contribute to the development of preventive strategies. Examining the role of repetitive brain injuries on risk of violence is another area where further research is necessary. Other work has found some evidence that cumulative mild injuries might lead to a longer period of future antisociality [56] and increased risk of repeat offending in prisoners [17],[57].
From a public health and policy perspective, these findings point in different directions for health services, the criminal justice system, and patient charities. On the one hand, the lack of an association with violent crime in epilepsy cases after adjustment for familial factors may be valuable for patient charities and other stakeholders in addressing one of the potential causes of the stigma associated with this condition. Health services may consider violence risk assessment and management worthwhile in certain high-risk groups of individuals with epilepsy, particularly if they have violent histories. For traumatic brain injury, absolute and relative risks more clearly suggest that there are certain groups of patients who would benefit from violence risk assessment. As current guidelines for the assessment of brain injury make no recommendations in relation to the assessment or investigation of violence risk [58], our findings suggest that these may need review, at least for some groups of patients with traumatic head injury, particularly if they abuse illegal drugs or alcohol. In prisoners with traumatic head injury, improved screening, assessment, and management may improve repeat offending rates [17]. An additional group that may benefit from more detailed assessment and treatment are head injured juvenile delinquents [59]. The odds ratio of violent crime reported in this study for head injury (3.3) is similar to those reported for schizophrenia (where violence risk assessment should be routinely considered [60]) and bipolar disorder [41], but less than the odds ratio of 7–9 reported for substance abuse [1].
Study weaknesses include our reliance on patient registers for case ascertainment. This meant that the sample was selected towards more severe cases of epilepsy and traumatic brain injury. This could have led to an underestimation of the association with violent crime if individuals with more severe disease are more likely to be physically disabled and thus less likely to commit violent crime (although the use of outpatient information should have moderated against this). However, it is also possible that the more severe presentations of these disorders are more prone to violence, and hence we may have overestimated the risk. We found some support for this in persons with traumatic brain injury, who had higher rates of violent crime than those with concussion diagnoses alone. The fact that we may have oversampled the more severe cases may be more relevant in epilepsy, as we selected only individuals with two or more hospital diagnoses of epilepsy in order to improve diagnostic specificity, but the reported finding that those with longer treatment episodes were not at higher risk of violent crime argues against this potential bias. Nevertheless, as we are not certain what proportion of individuals with epilepsy are hospitalised over a 30-y period, our results may be less generalisable to individuals with epilepsy who are not inpatients or outpatients at some point in their illness. Another limitation was the lack of data on the extent and character of treatment for these conditions. It is possible that treatment effects mediated some of the differences found here, particularly the mood-stabilising effects of anticonvulsants prescribed to epilepsy patients, although a recent review found no clear evidence that such medications reduce violence [61]. In the analyses, we adjusted for substance abuse but did not examine comorbidity for other psychiatric illnesses, as was done in one Danish population study [62], since the validity of outpatient data for less severe mental illnesses, such as depression and anxiety disorders, is uncertain. Nevertheless, future work could examine whether the risk differs by comorbidity. Although we relied on conviction data, other work has shown that the degree of underestimation of violence is similar in psychiatric patients and controls compared with self-report measures, and hence the risk estimates were unlikely to be affected [63]. This has also been found for studies investigating violence risk in individuals with schizophrenia [1]. We have no reason to think that this would be different for these two neurological conditions. Overall rates of violent crime and their resolution are mostly similar across western Europe, suggesting some generalisability of our findings [64]. Comparisons with the US are more difficult because of differences in legal and judicial systems, but police-recorded assault rates for the time period 1981–1999 were 3.7 per 1,000 individuals in the US and 4.1 per 1,000 individuals in Sweden [65].
In conclusion, by using Swedish population-based registers over 35 y, we reported risks for violent crime in individuals with epilepsy and traumatic brain injury that contrasted with each other, and appeared to differ within each diagnosis by subtype, severity, and age at diagnosis. The implications of these findings are likely to vary for clinical services, the criminal justice system, and patient charities.
STROBE statement checklist of items that should be included in reports of observational studies.
(DOCX)
We are grateful to Marcus Boman, Eva Carlström, and Christina Norrby, Karolinska Institutet, for assistance with data extraction.
Conceived and designed the experiments: SF PL MG NL. Performed the experiments: SF. Analyzed the data: SF. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: n/a. Wrote the first draft of the manuscript: SF. Contributed to the writing of the manuscript: SF PL NL. ICMJE criteria for authorship read and met: SF PL MG NL. Agree with manuscript results and conclusions: SF PL MG NL. Secured funding, obtained register data, and supervised data extraction: PL NL.
Contrary to popular belief, patient care reports are not created for the singular purpose of feeding the voracious appetites of greedy lawyers
By David Givot
"If you didn't write it, you didn't do it." That may be the oldest and most tired cliché in all of EMS and it is not exactly true.
Likewise, "paint a picture & tell a story," is another biggie in documentation classes. I happen to agree with that one; unfortunately many providers are painting the wrong picture and telling the wrong story because they are not thinking about their audience. They are not considering who will be reading their report and why. Not to worry. I can fix it.
Contrary to popular belief, patient care reports are not created for the singular purpose of feeding the voracious appetites of greedy lawyers. However, at feeding time, lousy documentation — and your career — make for a nice meal and there are plenty of sharks eager to take a big bite out of your assets.
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She's a sweet little old lady who has fallen and can't get up. The reason she can't get up is obvious; a shortened and internally rotated left leg. Complicating matters, she has had the misfortune of falling in a cramped bathroom, between the tub and the toilet.
Normally, you'd grab your handy scoop stretcher and handle your business, or if this were in a nursing home, you'd choke back the pointless lecture on not moving injured patients, do a gentle sheet transfer from her bed to your cot, and thank the nurse for all her, ummm… help.
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Neil Smith
Journal of Paramedic Practice, Vol. 3, Iss. 7, 01 Jul 2011, pp 360 - 365
An abdominal aortic aneurysm (AAA) is a localized dilatation of the abdominal aorta resulting from degenerative cardiovascular disease. Such aneurysmal arteries pose few problems for many patients and are simply monitored and managed conservatively within the community. However, the ruptured abdominal aortic aneurysm is a time-critical medical emergency requiring timely surgical intervention in order to offer any chance of survival. Even when recognized early, 90% of patients will suffer an out-of-hospital cardiac arrest before arriving at the emergency department and of those who reach theatre, only 40% will survive. This article aims to increase the paramedic practitioner's knowledge and understanding of AAA through a holistic discussion of the prehospital recognition and early management. Particular emphasis will be placed on fluid replacement therapy and analgesia with specific reference to the issues associated with aggressive fluid resuscitation, and the potential benefits elicited through the use of opiate analgesia and subsequent pharmacologically induced hypotension. This article further aims to set the prehospital management into the wider context, thus providing paramedic practitioner's with an insight into how prehospital interventions affect the patients' ultimate outcome and post-operative quality of life.
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Ebony Gayle
Journal of Paramedic Practice, Vol. 3, Iss. 7, 01 Jul 2011, pp 358 - 359
Ebony Gayle, Media and Public Relations Manager, Health Professions Council, talks about the current registration renewal cycle and provides details for paramedics who are due to renew their registration.
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There is sufficient international evidence to demonstrate that first responders, including professional firefighters, improve patient outcomes, especially from out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (Ho et al, 1997; Hollenberg et al, 2009; Hoyer and Christensen, 2009). With demonstrated improvement in cardiac arrest outcomes by using first responders, this has led to a move in recent years to have automatic external defibrillators (AEDs) placed in prominent locations where large numbers of people congregate so that the response time to defibrillation is as short as possible (public access defibrillation (PAD)). This policy has proved to be successful in decreasing the response time to the person and subsequent defibrillation, albeit with small numbers in the studies compared to other 'first responder' programmes (Colquhoun et al, 2008; Fleischhackl et al, 2008).
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Alcohol is the most damaging drug to the drinker and others overall, heroin and crack are the second and third most harmful, Professor David Nutt and colleagues wrote in the medical journal The Lancet today. When all factors related to self harm and harm to others are considered, alcohol comes out top. The authors explain that drugs, including tobacco products and alcohol are major contributors to damage to individuals as well as society as a whole.
The harms that are caused by drugs need to be comprehensively assessed so that policy makers can be properly advised regarding health, social care and policing, the authors write; not an easy undertaking because drugs can cause damage in so many different ways.
Professor Nutt and colleagues had previously tried to do this (Lancet 2007) by asking experts to give each drug a score according to nine criteria of harm, which included the drug's intrinsic harms as well as the social and health care burdens. The report triggered widespread debate and interest. However, there were doubts regarding the differential weights of each criterion used.
In this latest report, Nutt and colleagues say they have addressed these concerns by using a multicriteria decision analysis (MCDA) when reviewing drug harms. MCDA technologies have been effectively used to help decision making in areas where factors, features and characteristics are complex and often conflicting, as may be the case when deciding policy on nuclear waste disposal.
Nine criteria related to harm to an individual from a drug, while six looked at harm to others - both in the United Kingdom and other countries. The harms were gathered into five subgroups that covered social, psychological and physical harms. Scoring was done with points up to 100, with 100 being the most damaging and zero no damage. Weighting then compared the impact a score of 100 had on all the other criteria, thus identifying the 100-points-scoring-drugs which were more harmful than other 100-points-scoring-drugs.
The authors wrote (in explanation of their model):
In scaling of the drugs, care is needed to ensure that each successive point on the scale represents equal increments of harm. Thus, if a drug is scored at 50, then it should be half as harmful as the drug that scored 100.
The nine harm-to-self categories of a drug were:
The harm-to-others categories of a drug were:
With the MCDA modeling method, alcohol came top as the most harmful drug overall. Below are some highlights of their findings:
Not only is alcohol the most harmful drug overall, the authors write, but is nearly three times as harmful as tobacco or cocaine, according to the new ISCD MCDA modeling.
Mephedrone, which was recently a legal-high in the UK before it was re-categorized as a Class B controlled drug this year. Alcohol is over five-times as harmful as mephedrone.
Ecstasy is just one-eighth as harmful as alcohol, despite all its media attention and public concerns.
Professor Nutt said (direct quote, not found in article):
What a new classification system might look like would depend on what set of harms-to self or others-you are trying to reduce. But if you take overall harm, then alcohol, heroin and crack are clearly more harmful than all others so perhaps drugs with a score of 40 or more could be class A; 39 to 20 class B; 19-10 class C and 10 or under class D.
The MCDA procedure is an effective and powerful means for dealing with the complex issues related to drug misuse, the authors wrote.
They said:
The issue of the weightings is crucial since they affect the overall scores. The weighting process is necessarily based on judgment, so it is best done by a group of experts working to consensus.
(conclusion) Our findings lend support to previous work in the UK and the Netherlands, confirming that the present drug classification systems have little relation to the evidence of harm. They also accord with the conclusions of previous expert reports that aggressively targeting alcohol harms is a valid and necessary public health strategy.
In an associated Comment, also in The Lancet, Dr. Jan Van Amsterdam, National Institute for Public Health and the Environment, Netherlands, and Dr Wim van den Brink, Amsterdam Institute for Addiction Research, Academic Medical Center, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands, wrote:
A major point not addressed in the study, because it was outside their scope, is polydrug use, which is highly prevalent among recreational drug users. Notably, the combined use of alcohol with other drugs often leads in a synergistic way to very serious adverse effects.
They also explain that consuming combinations of these drugs can significantly alter their adverse events and harm impacts. For example, magic mushrooms on their own have a very low incidence of adverse events, but individuals who consume mushrooms as well as alcohol have a much higher risk of accidents that result in death. Other examples of combinations mentioned include alcohol with cocaine, leading to cocaethylene - an extremely toxic compound, or alcohol with cannabis which can seriously affect an individual's ability to drive properly.
The Comment authors concluded:
Nutt and colleagues' ranking of the licit and illicit drugs is certainly not definitive, because the pattern of recreational drug use is dynamic: the popularity and availability of the drugs, and the pattern of polydrug use, might change within a decade. The ranking of the drugs. should therefore be repeated at least every 5-10 years. Finally, for the discussion about drug classification, it is intriguing to note that the two legal drugs assessed-alcohol and tobacco-score in the upper segment of the ranking scale, indicating that legal drugs cause at least as much harm as do illegal substances.
"Drug harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis"
Prof David J Nutt FMedSci a Corresponding AuthorEmail Address, Leslie A King PhD b, Lawrence D Phillips PhD
The Lancet, Early Online Publication, 1 November 2010
doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(10)61462-6